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U.S. MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO PAKISTAN

There is a Lot of Explaining to Do.

Ed Ross | Monday, May 9, 2011

U.S. military assistance to Pakistan has been much debated since U.S. Navy SEALs killed Osama Bin Laden not far from the front gate of the national military academy in Abbottabad, Pakistan, and only a short drive from downtown Islamabad. It’s inconceivable, many knowledgeable people believe, that the Pakistan government, or at the very least its Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) organization, didn’t know Bin Laden was there. How can we continue to give Pakistan billions of dollars in military assistance each year if they are knowingly harboring our worst enemies?

This is an excellent question, but it’s not a new one. It is one Republican and Democratic administrations and the U.S. Congress have asked themselves before. Now it is one that the Obama administration and Congress will have to deal with on a much more public level than in the past.

This issue isn’t likely to come to a head right away. It’s not one administration or most congressional leaders are anxious to deal with. Fiscal year 2011 funds for Pakistan are flowing, and the Obama administration needs time to sort things out with the Pakistan government. It’s the administration's fiscal year 2012 budget request for Pakistan currently being formulated by the executive branch that’s likely to run into opposition in Congress when it’s submitted in a few months. Both the administration and Pakistan will have to demonstrate that Pakistan isn’t taking U.S. money with one hand and holding our enemies' hands with the other.

When Congress holds both public and classified hearings on Pakistan, as they surely will, they will once again hear the many good reasons why the U.S. has provided military assistance to Pakistan and why we should continue to do so. We bolster the Pakistan government and military establishments against the radical forces of Islamist-jihadism inside Pakistan that threaten the county’s stability, and we encourage Pakistan’s assistance for our war efforts in Afghanistan and in Pakistan. Pakistan publically complains about U.S. drone attacks on targets inside their borders while privately approving them. Our bottom line is that Pakistan is an ally in the war with Islamist-jihadist forces, and we want to keep Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal out of terrorist’s hands.

On the other hand, there are many reasons why Congress and others have questioned aid to Pakistan in the past. Chief among them have been Pakistani nuclear scientist A.Q. Khan and his proliferation of nuclear technology along with the Pakistan military’s close relationship with China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA). There has been much concern over the years about Pakistan providing the PLA Air Force (PLAAF) access to sensitive U.S. technology on Pakistan’s F-16s and their associated weapon systems. Currently there are legitimate concerns that the PLAAF will gain access to the undestroyed portions of the stealthy U.S. special operations Black Hawk left behind on Ben Laden’s Abbottabad compound.

Concerns about the ISI’s relationship with the Taliban and elements of al-Qaeda are long standing. Taliban leader Mullah Omar is believed to be hiding in Pakistan, and India has often accused Pakistan of harboring al-Qaeda-related terrorists that strike India as part of the enduring dispute over Kashmir. India blamed Pakistan-based terrorists for the December 2008 Mumbai attacks.

Whatever information congressional leaders receive in briefings by the administration about the benefits of the U.S.-Pakistan relationship, it is not likely to calm the waters as it has in the past when few Americans paid attention to U.S. assistance to Pakistan. This time is different. Upheaval across the Muslin world, particularly in the Middle East and North Africa, the enormous U.S. national debt, and the fact that Pakistan might have harbored the most wanted man in the world have focused the attention of news media and the American public on this problem. The failure of Obama administration and congressional leaders to adequately address it openly will likely have political consequences. Some Republican candidates for President in 2012 no doubt will use it to attack President Obama after the glow of his achievement in killing Bin Laden has worn off.

Nevertheless, the simple truth is that the precipitous withdrawal of U.S. military assistance to Pakistan is not in the United States best interest. Neither can we simply keep writing checks to Pakistan without assurances that they aren’t harboring other top terrorists.

U.S. military assistance to Pakistan, as it does with other countries, buys the United States important access and influence. It does not buy us the strict obedience of our allies or their absolute loyalty. Our close friend and ally Israel, also the recipient of billions of dollars in US military assistance, has been taken to the woodshed more than once for bad behavior. The most serious breach was the Jonathan Pollard spy case. Pollard is a U.S. citizen currently serving a life sentence for spying for Israel on the United States. He provided Tel Aviv the details of America’s global electronic surveillance network.

If we withhold funds from Pakistan, China, with its national treasury bulging with three trillion dollars in foreign exchange reserves, largely money from the United States, will welcome the opportunity to further increase its access and influence in Pakistan.

As columnist Pat Buchannan correctly points out, “Yet as one looks to the Maghreb and Middle East, to the Gulf and Pakistan, events of this historic year point to an inexorable retreat of American power and the American presence.”

Many, including conservative columnist Charles Krauthammer, argue that the death of Osama Bin Laden provides an opportunity for the U.S. to now withdraw from Afghanistan, having accomplished our goal for going there in the first place. But I disagree. In my view that would be snatching defeat from the jaws of victory.

As Secretary of Defense Robert Gates said, Osama Bin Laden’s death is a “game changer.” We must leverage that event to the U.S. advantage, skillfully working with the Pakistan government to bring about changes in their behavior that will help us achieve our long term strategic goals. That will make Americans and our allies more secure and help turn around the decline in U.S. access and influence from Rabat to Kabul. In the mean time both the Pakistan and U.S. governments have a lot of explaining to do.

Ed Ross was the Director of Operations in the Defense Security Cooperation Agency from 1994 to 2007 with world-wide oversight and management responsibility for military assistance, including to Pakistan.

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Copyright © Edward W. Ross 2006-2011 All Rights Reserved

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