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WHAT TO DO ABOUT TIBET?

March 22, 2008 

On March 10, 500 Tibetan monks at Lhasa's Drepung Monastery began a protest marking the anniversary of the 1959 Tibet Uprising.  It quickly spread to other cities in Tibet and those with Tibetan populations in bordering provinces.  Some were violent, and, as it has on previous occasions, China's central government responded with military force.  According to unofficial reports, Chinese police and soldiers killed dozens of Tibetans and arrested several hundred others.  Coming five months before the Beijing Summer Olympics, this problem couldn't have come at a worse time for Beijing.

For those not familiar with the recent history of Chinese rule in Tibet, it is well summarized by a paragraph from an October, 1987, Heritage Foundation report by Martin Lasater and Kenneth Conboy, Why the World is Watching Beijing’s Treatment of Tibet.  It’s as relevant today as it was twenty years ago.

If the matter of Tibet's sovereignty is murky, the question about the PRC's treatment of Tibetans is all too clear.  After invading Tibet in 1950, the Chinese communists killed over one million Tibetans, destroyed over 6,000 monasteries, and turned Tibet's northeastern province, Amdo, into a gulag housing, by one estimate, up to ten million people.  A quarter of a million Chinese troops remain stationed in Tibet.  In addition, some 7.5 million Chinese have responded to Beijing's incentives to relocate to Tibet; they now outnumber the 6 million Tibetans.  Through what has been termed Chinese apartheid, ethnic Tibetans now have a lower life expectancy, literacy rate, and per capita income than Chinese inhabitants of Tibet.”

Many Americans and people around the world sympathize with the plight of the Tibetan people.  They know Tibet from television documentaries and by its most famous ambassador, the soft spoken and widely respected Dalai Lama.  Head of Tibet’s government-in-exile, he fled Tibet during the 1959 uprising, and now travels the world from his base in India winning friends for the Tibetan people.  His gentle demeanor and religious devotion stands in stark contrast to violence inflicted upon the Tibetans he left behind.

Nevertheless, there has been little assistance the outside world can provide Tibetans beyond lobbying governments on their behalf, moral support, and some financial aide for humanitarian projects.  Ever since China transitioned from Cold War enemy to a “friendly, non-allied country,” the US and the West have pursued political, economic, and military relations with China.  And they have frequently demarched the Chinese government on human rights issues, including Tibet, with marginal success.  China’s current crackdown in Tibet demonstrates that the effects of these efforts have not been lasting.

So what hope is there for the people of Tibet?  Are they forever destined to become an ever disappearing and suppressed minority in a sea of Han Chinese?  Not necessarily.  Not if the US and other free and democratic nations hold the "new" China to a higher standard than they have the old one.  While they have attempted to influence China’s human rights behavior in the past, the standard they have used to judge Communist countries has always been low. 

The 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing presents the world with a opportunity to raise that standard.  It marks a watershed for China.  It’s their coming out party.  It will showcase the new China to the world and the great economic and technological progress it has made in recent years.  Countries who will participate in the Olympics, and who are concerned about China's treatment of Tibet, are not now considering a boycott the games.  Should the situation in Tibet reach Tiananmen proportions they might, but such boycotts seldom have the desired effect.

One approach, however, would be a boycott of the opening ceremony.  Currently, many heads of government and state, including President Bush, plan to attend.  While the athletes themselves would not boycott the ceremony, their presence is required by Olympic rules, the absence of many high-level delegations would send a powerful message to Beijing.  France's Foreign Minister, Bernard Kouchner, said the idea "is interesting."  He plans to discuss it with other foreign ministers from the 27-nation European Union. 

By itself, this action would not change Beijing’s treatment of Tibetans overnight.  The unrest in Tibet likely will be long suppressed and out of the headlines by August.  Beijing has a great deal on the line with the Olympics.  They will use whatever force is necessary to quell the protesters quickly.  They know the world has a short attention span.  But a boycott of the opening ceremony, would put them on notice that if they want to become a full member of the world’s-leading-nations club they need to begin playing by different rules.

Many China hands will scoff at the suggestion that such steps could effectively influence the Chinese Government.  They will remind us that the Chinese Communist Party has one imperative—maintain power and control, whatever the cost.  China can be a very unruly place.  Chinese leaders fear that if they open the door to dissent just a crack things quickly can get out of hand.  They already have their hands full with a variety of problems, and they vividly remember what happened on Tiananmen Square.

Nevertheless, waiting for China’s behavior in Tibet to evolve as it engages the rest of the world will take a very long time.  By then there will be little left of Tibetan culture.  Governments, the news media and non-government organizations all need to keep the spotlight tightly focused on China’s human-rights behavior and on Tibet.  A boycott of the Summer Olympics Opening Ceremony by foreign government leaders would help do just that.

It’s not necessary to subjugate important US foreign policy and national security objectives with China to our human rights concerns.  We should continue to pursue them through diplomacy and bilateral/multilateral interaction.  But as any student of China knows, “face” means a great deal in Chinese culture.  They may be communists, but first and foremost they’re Chinese.  China needs and wants the recognition that comes with the progress it has made.  We should give China only the face it deserves.

 

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Copyright © Edward W. Ross 2008 All Rights Reserved

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